Less than two weeks after Muslim socialist Zohran Mamdani was elected the next mayor of New York City, the nation’s west coast elected its own Mamdani equivalent: democratic socialist Katie Wilson has been declared the next mayor of Seattle. One of the tightest mayoral races in modern Seattle history drew to a close Wednesday when Wilson pulled ahead of her opponent, incumbent mayor and moderate Democrat Bruce Harrell, by just under 2,000 votes, placing the race outside the margin for a recount.

Wilson, much like her democratic socialist counterpart in the Empire State, campaigned heavily on the issue of affordability, proffering socialist policies as a solution to the city’s housing and cost-of-living crises. “From coast to coast, working families are saying no to fascism and yes to affordable, safe cities,” Wilson said in a social media post last month, a few days before the election.

The Seattle socialist’s platform consisted of pledging to open 4,000 new emergency housing units in the next four years to address the city’s homelessness, fund the building of new social housing units, and increase corporate taxes in order to bankroll social housing. “The cost to rent or buy a home in Seattle is far too high. Too many families are paying well over a third of their income in housing costs, or leaving the city altogether,” Wilson’s campaign website said. “That leaves people with long, polluting commutes, and drives down enrollment at our schools. High rents also mean rising homelessness. We can’t continue to accept inaction from our elected leaders.”

Wilson also vowed to “Trump-proof Seattle,” opposing many of President Donald Trump’s policies, particularly on immigration. “One of my first political acts in Seattle was joining the massive march for immigrants’ and workers’ rights on May 1, 2006. That’s the Seattle I believe in. We stand up for the most vulnerable. We believe in democracy, climate action, robust public services, and good jobs. But all of that is under threat like never before,” Wilson’s campaign website charged. “I vow to protect our neighbors and defend Seattle’s status as a sanctuary city. We must also step up to fill in the funding gaps, or we will find ourselves unable to deliver the basic services that people depend on.”

“The City must play an active role in educating employers, institutions, and the public about what to do when ICE is at the door. Seattle’s Office of Immigrant and Refugee Affairs is stepping up, but with leadership from the Mayor’s Office we can do more,” read the “Defend immigrants and refugees from federal attacks and mass deportation” tab on Wilson’s campaign page. The progressive mayor-elect asserted that she would support programs to help illegal immigrants avoid U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents, back “legal services” for illegal immigrants, participate in legal actions against the Trump administration’s immigration agenda, renew and reinforce the city’s “sanctuary city” ordinance, “[r]eview the City’s data collection and storage practices to ensure we are not at risk of sharing data with Federal immigration agencies,” and even direct Seattle police officers to stop ICE agents.

“A note on the phrase ‘Trump-Proof Seattle:’ Some readers will remember a 2017 campaign for a city income tax on high-income households, which I helped to coordinate, that was inspired by Trump’s first election,” Wilson’s campaign averred. “Here we are eight years later, again having to think about how to protect ourselves and our neighbors from the actions of an even more virulent federal administration,” the campaign website continued.

Ahead of the November 4 elections, many high-profile Democrats were hesitant to endorse Mamdani, with Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) even refusing outright to voice his support for the self-identified socialist. Many of the Democratic Party’s more progressive voices were quick to lend their support to Mamdani’s campaign: Reps. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.), Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), and Nydia Velázquez (D-N.Y.), Senators Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), and independent Senator Bernie Sanders (Vt.), another self-described socialist, all endorsed the Muslim socialist seemingly without a qualm, but figures like House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) and Governor Kathy Hochul (D-N.Y.) were more reluctant. Wilson, whose race was less high-profile, was endorsed by progressive Rep. Parmila Jayapal (D-Wash.) and campaigned alongside the likes of former Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.).

In a glowing profile, The New Republic compared Wilson’s campaign to Mamdani’s. “Both are running to the left of establishment Democrats and have been endorsed by the Working Families Party, which organizes more progressive candidates inside the Democratic Party; both are centering their campaigns on affordability issues,” the outlet noted. Also, like Mamdani, Wilson has suggested cutting funding for Seattle’s police force and replacing officers with social care workers. “The City’s current approach to violence prevention is fragmented and ineffective,” Wilson alleged on her campaign website.

The election of self-described socialists like Mamdani and Wilson, as well as the near-election of socialist Minneapolis mayoral candidate Omar Fateh — thwarted by Somalian clan conflicts — has led to a rising concern that the Democratic Party may be openly embracing socialist policies.

In comments to The Washington Stand, Manhattan Institute fellow Daniel Di Martino said that the seeming rise in socialism in the Democratic Party is “mostly a reflection of who dominates Democratic primaries in deep-blue cities. These are public sector unions, highly progressive activists, and young socialist voters, the latter two of which are being mobilized at record levels by socialist candidates.” He added, “The national party hasn’t so much chosen socialism as it has become increasingly captive to the preferences of these voters. But there is also the problem of rising approval of socialism among young Americans, and I believe this is driven by the education system.”

Dr. Joshua Muravchik, a professor at the Institute of World Politics and author of “Heaven on Earth: The Rise, Fall, and Afterlife of Socialism,” agreed. “I’m not sure there is a Democratic Party apart from the constituents who vote in primaries,” he explained. Muravchik said that conservatives should “look to the schools” to understand why socialism seems to be coming to the fore. “Institutions of higher learning have been dominated by leftist ideology for decades now, and much indoctrination occurs in the classroom.”

“I doubt that ‘democratic socialism’ will be officially adopted,” Muravchik anticipated. “It makes too rich a target in view of the historic record.” He also noted that the Democratic Party “has increasingly become the party of the relatively more well-off and more educated, as opposed to what was the case for most of the 20th century when the party comprised the less well-off,” and that therefore the issue of “affordability has little to do with it precisely because the Democrats, and in particular ‘progressive’ Democrats, tend to be the people with the most means.”

Di Martino, however, warned that Democrats are “closer to becoming socialist than most people realize.” He continued, “Even if they don’t use the label ‘democratic socialism,’ they’ve already adopted many of its policies: massive expansions of government spending, industrial policy directed from Washington, hostility toward private health care, and growing comfort with rent control and government-owned housing.” Di Martino posited, “By 2028 or 2032, it’s very plausible that large parts of what democratic socialists want — federal housing development, a public health care option meant to crowd out private plans, national labor mandates, and more,” may become mainstream planks of the Democratic Party platform.

“Surely, when young people can’t afford rent, can’t buy a home, and feel locked out of opportunity, they understandably look for someone to blame — and they gravitate toward simple, sweeping solutions,” Di Martino said of why young voters may be turning towards socialist policies. “In blue states and Democratic-run cities, affordability problems are especially severe because of bad policy: restrictive zoning, rent control, high taxes, and bureaucratic obstacles that drive up housing and energy costs,” he explained. “But instead of acknowledging that government-created scarcity is the root cause, many local leaders offer even more government intervention as the solution. That creates fertile ground for socialist candidates who promise big public programs, price controls, and ‘free’ benefits.”

“People aren’t embracing socialism because they love the ideology — they’re embracing it because they’re frustrated, and leaders in blue states have made cost-of-living so painful that radical solutions start sounding reasonable,” Di Martino suggested. “It’s a policy failure that becomes a political opportunity for the Left and also a failure of parents and schools to educate against this evil and harmful ideology.”

In order to counter socialist policies, Di Martino said, “Conservatives need to start with credibility: acknowledge the pain first. Young people don’t want to hear lectures about free markets while they’re paying $3,000 a month for a studio apartment.” He insisted, “The conservative message to young voters should be simple: We want to make the cost of living lower by letting you keep more of your money and by allowing the private sector to build the housing and energy supply you need.” Di Martino added, “Socialism treats scarcity as inevitable and promises to ration it. Conservative economics treats prosperity as achievable and focuses on unleashing it.”

Muravchik also suggested that “there isn’t any trick to persuading people” that socialist policies are ultimately flawed and that conservative economic principles better support Americans. “Conservatives must argue and bring forth the evidence, which is abundantly clear,” he added.