The Trump administration proudly reaffirmed in early December not only its adherence to the Monroe Doctrine, but also its promise of a new “Trump Corollary”: “that the American people — not foreign nations nor globalist institutions — will always control their own destiny in our hemisphere.” What we could now call the “Donroe” Doctrine then emerged, a return to placing the vision of “America for Americans” as an integral part of U.S. foreign policy.
Although it certainly wasn’t the (often lukewarm) communiqués of globalist organizations that deposed the narco-dictator Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela was indeed occupied for years by a foreign nation: socialist Cuba, which made Caracas the jewel in its iron crown.
The figures confirm this. One-third of those killed during the operation to remove Maduro were Cuban military personnel, 32 who formed the dictator’s first ring of protection and who, according to analysts like Carlos Ruckauf, had orders from Havana to kill Maduro if he made any unfavorable deal with Washington.
The operation that extracted Maduro and his wife from Venezuela’s most heavily guarded fortification on January 3rd was the first effect after that promise of the reinvigorated Monroe Doctrine.
The most visible results, in addition to an “extra” New Year’s celebration for millions of Venezuelan exiles around the world, manifested themselves on the geopolitical level. As happened in early November, while Southern Command drones were targeting drug boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific, neighboring regimes with anti-American rhetoric seemed more subdued.
Colombia
Gustavo Petro, the former socialist guerrilla who now leads the Colombian government, went from calling on the U.S. military to disobey Trump’s orders to having his first call with the president and promising an early meeting in Washington, D.C.
For more than an hour, Petro explained to Trump, among other things, the results of his government’s fight against drug trafficking.
In September, the White House decertified Colombia as a country that supports the fight against drug trafficking. In response, Ohio Senator Bernie Moreno (R) stated that Trump made the right decision in decertifying Colombia as a partner in the fight against drug trafficking, “because President Petro’s naiveté has worsened the already serious situation in Colombia’s fight against drug trafficking, and as a result, the United States has been flooded with deadly drugs that claim the lives of hundreds of thousands of Americans every year.”
The amount of land dedicated to coca cultivation in Colombia has grown during Petro’s term — from 77,870 hectares in 2006, during Álvaro Uribe’s first administration, to 253,000 hectares in 2023, Petro’s first year in office.
“Despite Colombia’s failed leadership, President Trump has kept the door open for important collaboration with the Colombian Armed Forces and National Police, in order to support the war on drugs and back future leaders who will truly confront drug traffickers,” Moreno added. “Colombia cannot prosper while an illicit economy continues to consume the nation. Where cocaine grows, corruption also grows.”
Since the decertification and until Maduro’s capture, the tension between Bogotá and Washington has been palpable — and it had reached peaks at times, such as the Republican administration’s ban on Petro’s entry into the United States. But the events in Caracas changed Petro’s tone: from an attempted anti-imperialist leader for Latin America to one of dialogue and conciliation.
Nicaragua
The leftist dictatorship of Nicaragua exhibited similar behavior. Daniel Ortega and his wife, the sorceress Rosario Murillo, released dozens of political prisoners this Saturday. The day before, the U.S. Embassy demanded action in this regard.
In a statement released by official Sandinista media and quoted by La Prensa, the Nicaraguan dictators stated that the releases were motivated by “the commemoration of our 19th anniversary,” referring to the almost two decades since Ortega returned to power. Managua is likely afraid of attracting too much attention from Trump, who has proven that he doesn’t just make empty threats. This is especially true because, under the “Donroe” Doctrine, there is no room for Chinese influence in the Americas, an influence that Nicaragua has allowed in without hesitation.
The Central American country’s political and economic ties with Beijing have increased significantly in recent years. According to the China Index, a research project that measures the level of penetration of the Asian power worldwide, as of 2024, Nicaragua was “highly exposed” to the influence of the Chinese Communist Party and required “little effort to spread its narrative or co-opt the political elite.”
For now, 60 men and women imprisoned for political reasons have returned to their families in Nicaragua.
Venezuela
Finally, Venezuela is a key case in our analysis. Missiles and bullets from the U.S. armed forces fell on that territory, and on January 3, 2026, Venezuela’s first female “president” was hastily sworn into power (there isn’t much rejoicing among feminists about this): the socialist Delcy Rodríguez, Maduro’s vice president.
According to Emilio T. González, senior fellow for Homeland Security and Immigration at the America First Policy Institute, the purge in Venezuela began with Rodríguez dismissing and arresting U.S.-sanctioned Major General Javier Marcano Tábata “for gross negligence and treason.” Marcano served as director general of Military Counterintelligence and head of presidential security.
In her first statement, Rodríguez extended an invitation to the U.S. government “to work together on a cooperation agenda, aimed at shared development, within the framework of international law,” in order to “strengthen lasting community coexistence.” And in a direct allusion to Trump, she said that the people of Venezuela and the United States, and the Americas region “deserve[s] peace and dialogue.”
The tone contrasts with Maduro’s public bravado and his drug-induced antics that exhausted Trump’s patience. Caracas has promised the release of political prisoners, but unlike Managua, it has done so in dribs and drabs.
On the other hand, the interim government of Venezuela announced on January 9 its decision to begin “an exploratory process” with the United States aimed at re-establishing diplomatic missions in both countries, which broke off relations in 2019.
“In this context, a delegation of diplomatic officials from the United States Department of State is arriving in the country to carry out technical and logistical assessments inherent to diplomatic functions. Similarly, a delegation of Venezuelan diplomats will be sent to the United States to carry out the corresponding tasks,” the text stated. Meanwhile, there appear to be no objections to Trump’s demand that Venezuela transfer between 30 and 50 million barrels of oil for sale on the U.S. market, worth approximately $2 billion. The president said on Truth Social that he will oversee the revenue generated by the operation to ensure that the funds benefit both the Venezuelan and American people.
All this is happening while Senior White House aide Stephen Miller tells CNN that Venezuela is under U.S. control, and that Rodríguez will do whatever they tell her to do. Her words, feigning bravado and outbursts of defiance, don’t matter. The naval blockade and sanctions remain in place, and that’s enough.
Rodríguez is in a difficult situation (one that she and her own misdeeds have created). She has to show loyalty to Chavismo, which is anti-imperialist and anti-American at its core, while simultaneously presenting herself as someone willing to work on a gradual transition outlined by Marco Rubio to free Venezuela.
On one side, she faces the menacing figures of Chavismo strongmen like the feared Diosdado Cabello, leader of the paramilitary gangs known as “colectivos,” and the power brokers in Havana, who have already sent their foreign minister to try to maintain the tenuous lifeline to the island. On the other side hangs the sword of Damocles: any morning could be another January 3rd.


