In 2011, Sergio Membreño wrote a book titled “Honduras: A Vision of Nation, State, and Integrity,” which addressed the foundations for building ethical leadership in that Central American country. He championed a Honduran dream that began with building strong families, reconciling parents with children and brothers with sisters, and strengthening marriages so they could serve as a lasting role model for their children. “The Honduran dream involves rebuilding values from the family,” he wrote at the time.

In that desired national future, Membreño did not forget the harsh reality of his context: injustice, poverty, corruption, violence, disregard for life, and political patronage — things that continue to this day.

A few weeks ago, the Ibero-American group Madrid Forum called on all democratic forces in the West to observe and denounce the institutional deterioration in Honduras, “and to demand that the November [2025] elections be held with complete normality, transparency, and democratic guarantees, thus allowing Hondurans to freely express their desire for change at the polls.”

Membreño, who served as secretary of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Honduras, executive director of the National Anti-Corruption Council, and chargé d’affaires of the Honduran embassy in Washington, D.C., fears that Honduras’s dream could once again turn into a nightmare.

The current political earthquake, which includes the arrest of Nelson Márquez, one of the leaders of the National Party — the main opposition force — and, in recent years, the government of socialist Xiomara Castro (an admirer of the Cuban Revolution), has Membreño carefully observing what will happen in his country in the run-up to the next presidential election in November.

Here is my interview with Sergio.

The Madrid Forum warned a few weeks ago that the open call for violence was alarming, announcing the deployment of 30,000 organized, prepared, and trained “collectives” throughout Honduras, according to statements from the government itself. What is the current situation with these groups?

I believe the Madrid Forum’s statement regarding the institutional deterioration in Honduras and the growing radicalization of the regime of Xiomara Castro and Mel Zelaya is correct. But to understand the panorama more completely and objectively, it is essential to consider the origin of part of the structural problem that began in 2009 and that triggered and deepened the political crisis from which we have not been able to emerge, and that has worsened in 2025 following the November 30 general elections.

In 2009, a coup d’état took place against the executive branch when Manuel Zelaya Rosales was removed from his position as president. Sixteen years after that event, an ongoing crisis has erupted, from which the country has yet to emerge.

As executive secretary of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), I made recommendations to the main actors in the crisis, to local institutions, and to international organizations. These were concrete recommendations for reconciliation based on the fact that all national actors, including Manuel Zelaya Rosales, had violated the laws and the constitution. This contextual situation must be addressed.

In this sense, the “collectives” do not contribute to peace. There is no doubt that, as a nation, we have been unable to solve the problems of governance and the multiple crises stemming from long-standing structural problems. In this context, achieving and maintaining power must be confronted by a search for peace and reconciliation. We need justice and good governance.

There is a biblical reference for this time in Honduras. It’s in Proverbs 29:2: “When the righteous rule, the people rejoice, but when the wicked are in power, the people groan.”

According to the Honduran press, “collectives” have taken on an aggressive role in the political arena in recent years, particularly notable for their ties to the current ruling party, Libertad y Refundación (LIBRE). Furthermore, they evoke memories of those widely used by Chavismo. Could Honduras fall into a tyrannical political cycle like that of Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua?

Any organization that generates violence and seeks to seize power and perpetuate itself is harmful to a nation.

Collectives are seen as entities that generate violence. Violence (of any political persuasion) is contrary to the principles of peaceful coexistence of a society that aspires to foster respect among all its members.

What’s happening in Honduras is an example of the current trend of populism permeating Latin America. While it’s true the crisis has deepened, we must understand authoritarianism as a distinctly Latin American and Honduran phenomenon. Political caudillismo results in false leaders, and as democracy is subverted to enthrone this authoritarianism, more than an electoral or discursive strategy, it’s a phenomenon that divides society through these false leaders and a corrupt elite. Citizens are left trapped, defenseless, and sometimes indifferent.

Mel Zelaya Rosales, husband of current President Xiomara Castro and coordinator of the ruling party (Libre), embodies this caudillo persona — although he is not the only one; all political parties have them.

The caudillo is contrasted with the transformational leader, one who can lay the foundations for real evolution in terms of development and the rule of law.

Another element of concern has been the government’s rejection of international oversight of data transmission by the controversial company Smartmatic, which the Liberal Party presidential candidate, Salvador Nasralla, called “a company of thieves.” What are your thoughts on this?

According to the principle of electoral transparency, effective oversight that can ensure reliable, clear, and rapid results is important.

A government that rejects international oversight does not believe in democracy or citizen transparency, or it avoids interference because it has considered committing some form of electoral fraud.

Honduras’s main problem, as a nation, is the lack of ethics. Civic ethics must be strengthened, and elections are an opportune moment for ethics. The link between politics and citizens is neither permanent nor solid without ethics as a guide.

It is opportune to have diverse institutions, with no ethical objections, monitoring the electoral process. It will not be easy, but it can help avoid disputes in the final results.

How would you describe the political climate in the nation after the return of the Zelaya-Castro administration? Has there been a shift toward leftist authoritarianism?

Yes. I believe that beyond the rhetoric, there is a shift toward authoritarianism, contrary to Christian values such as integrity, peace, and reconciliation.

Democracy is being used to subvert order and the law. This is not recent, nor is it exclusive to this government, but we do believe it deepens a tense political climate and undermines values in a more polarized society.

There is a fear of dialogue; politicians use their strategies to achieve short-term results. The connection between politicians and citizens has been completely lost, and polarization also extends to civil society organizations.

We urgently need to establish ethical parameters in our societies to promote reconciliation and peace. There is leftist rhetoric, inefficient public management, and no democratic practice that respects citizens.

We undoubtedly live in tumultuous times. We are citizens without a republic, and a republic (an ideal goal, as proven by the dreams of ancient heroes) without citizens. Building a government with citizen input is a difficult task, but the Castro-Zelaya administration has not met those expectations.

Honduras continues to struggle with the tradition inherited from its history: caudillismo, but in a very different world, in the 21st century. It is necessary to return to development diplomacy. A nation without vision perishes, says Proverbs 29:18, and we must be like the sons of Issachar, of whom 1 Chronicles 12:32 speaks, understanding the times spiritually, politically, economically, and socially, and doing what their nation needs for the benefit of the people.

We must replace distrust, hatred, and violence (words and deeds) with reconciliation, hope, and peace. For countries like Honduras, as Desmond Tutu said, “There is no future without reconciliation.”

Do you think the Zelaya-Castro couple is seeking to perpetrate electoral fraud in Honduras?

Twelve years out of power and almost four years in power motivates them, like other strongmen, to hold on at all costs. This entails manipulating laws without democratic consultation and disrespecting the will of the citizens.

The Castro-Zelaya administration has designed and controlled all institutional structures for November 30, 2025, and thus, will remain in power through its presidential candidate.

The political pattern followed by other Latin American strongmen is present, there is no doubt about it.

For Latin America and Honduras, it is key to replace these strongmen (who throughout history have done so much harm to society) with new transformative leaders with vision, ethics, and efficiency.

How prevalent is corruption within the political class?

Personally, I believe that in a country like Honduras, corruption prevails in virtually all sectors. Indicators from organizations such as Transparency International and Freedom House reveal overwhelming corruption.

For example, Honduras has not been able to receive funds from the Millennium Challenge Account since June 2005, 20 years ago. This period has included the majority parties in the country: the National Party, the Liberal Party, and Refoundation and Liberty (LIBRE). These funds were not received precisely because of the corruption indicator, which continues to be in the red.

I recently participated in a tour invited by the Christian organization World Vision and had the opportunity to share with community leaders committed to God and the transparent development of their communities. However, this potential is lost, vanishing because there is a dysfunction at the macro level within the existing political system.

Examples of corruption abound. Since 2017, the OAS-supported Mission to Support the Fight against Corruption and Impunity in Honduras (MACCIH) has uncovered cases involving politicians using funds granted by legislators without support for the execution of projects. The recent LIBRE corruption case at the Ministry of Social Development (which diverted millions of dollars in funds to nonexistent businesses and political networks) is another example. In the case of departmental and local funds, without exception, all parties have benefited from them, and the majority of Honduran legislators have been accused of receiving funds without clearing the accounts and providing transparency regarding the projects they benefited from.

As long as there is no justice linked to the fundamental fight against corruption, it will not be possible to move toward a transformation in the country.