Roy Santos is perhaps one of the most influential people in the current Honduran government. He doesn’t hold any public office, but he is a pastor who closely advises politicians such as the newly elected president, Nasry Asfura, who took office at the end of January, and the leader of the National Congress, José Tomás Zambrano.

Since 1996, Santos has dedicated himself full-time to his ministry at the Church of Christ, Manantial de la Mies Ministries, in the city of San Pedro Sula. He is currently the director of the Prayer Commission of the Evangelical Fellowship of Honduras.

In his opinion, the civic role of the Honduran church in the recent elections that ended the rule of the socialist Liberty and Refoundation Party (Libre) was exemplary. He discusses that moment and the challenges facing the new Honduran government in this interview.

In March 2022, you criticized the ritual conducted by shamans during Xiomara Castro’s inauguration, in which, amidst music and incense rituals, the president was presented with a “staff of command” declaring her “Ruler of the Indigenous Peoples.” This led the Honduran state to prosecute you through the Public Prosecutor’s Office. Where does that process stand?

On a radio program, when the journalist asked me about my view of the government, I stated that President Xiomara Castro’s administration got off to a bad start because it didn’t place its government before God in prayer through the church, as has been the custom. Instead, it received an occult staff from satanic shamans. As a spiritual leader, I offered my assessment of that spiritual act, within my rights, given that it was a public event. But the Honduran government at the time twisted my comment, as is customary in left-wing socialist governments, claiming that it incited hatred against the indigenous ethnic groups inhabiting our country.

Thus, the Secretariat of Development and Social Inclusion (SEDIS) and the Secretariat of Human Rights filed a complaint against me with the Public Prosecutor’s Office.

In November 2022, the judge found no crime and granted me definitive freedom. But in November 2023, the Ethnic Affairs Prosecutor’s Office managed to overturn the decision when the government appointed an Appeals Court aligned with its ideology, and formal prosecution was ordered, leaving the case ready to proceed to trial.

In June 2024, a public trial was scheduled. According to the information available so far, the case is still pending trial, and there is no public record of a final sentence yet. Meanwhile, I remain under measures other than pretrial detention while the process unfolds.

How was religious freedom experienced under the 21st-century socialist government of Xiomara Castro?

There were no interferences or attempts to change the laws that protect our religious freedom. But we did know that this was their plan if they managed to stay in power.

Before the elections, I delivered a word from God: that Honduras would fall into evil hands, referring to their government. This led to immediate attacks against me once they were in power.

For a time, society didn’t see this as an attack on the church in the country, but as the government progressed, it revealed its leanings toward leftist policies, gender ideology, and the occult.

Then, pressure was exerted on the church by public officials who issued threats. This became more evident when the church held marches or expressed its opinion on various social issues. Thanks to God’s hand, we were able to stop the advance of that government because its plans were perverse and detrimental to the church and the nation.

Did the country experience cases of persecution or political pressure under the socialist government?

Yes. For example, the Public Prosecutor’s Office was used in political disputes. The government initiated purported cases against corruption, but civil society and the opposition viewed it more as political and selective persecution, because it targeted only political opponents and civic leaders who denounced Castro for her misdeeds.

There was also regulatory and fiscal pressure. Some business owners and organizations claimed to face intensive audits and administrative proceedings; meanwhile, official speeches labeled them as “enemies of the people.”

The outlook at that time was similar to that of Venezuela.

There were also attacks against the press. The College of Journalists experienced hostile attacks against critical reporters, lawsuits, and cases of intimidation. Although Honduras already had a history of violence against journalists, the Castro government was reckless.

Furthermore, the former president established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China in 2023, while simultaneously severing ties with Taiwan. It was a major geopolitical shift.

What role did the evangelical movement play in the victory against Xiomara Castro and 21st-century socialism in the last elections? What decisive actions did they take as part of civil society?

The role of evangelicals was visible in the spiritual, social, and civic spheres. In these elections, it was crucial, given that the Communist Party threatened a totalitarian, anti-God system that defied morality. We focused on emphasizing Christian values and religious freedom in our messages, urging that Honduras not be governed by leftist policies that we identified with so-called socialism or communist agendas in other countries of the region.

The church demonstrated a spiritual strength consistent with its numerical growth. According to surveys, Honduras has the highest growth rate of Christians in Latin America. Never before in history had evangelicals been seen so deeply involved in intense days of prayer and fasting: in congregations, online, on Zoom, in vigils, and in 24/7 prayer vigils that became permanent, such as the CLAMOR 24/30 program (where 31 leading pastors cover all 31 days of the month in prayer). It was impressive to see so many churches in continuous prayer.

In the massive mobilizations leading up to the election period and on Election Day (November 30, 2025), evangelical participation was massive and coordinated. There was an unprecedented mobilization to encourage the faithful to vote early and in large numbers, with churches closing on Election Day to facilitate participation. It is estimated that approximately 90% of congregations encouraged their members to vote. The evangelical community, comprising around 2.3 million voters, was a factor that influenced the close election result.

We remained vigilant in defending the results at the National Electoral Council (CNE), making public calls to respect the popular will and the decisions of that institution. Furthermore, we demanded respect for the results and the rejection of any abuses or interference. Through statements, pastors also called for respect for democratic institutions and for preventing the usurpation of functions by bodies such as the CNE, as a sign of their commitment to the constitutional order.

What actions were decisive, as part of civil society?

Despite internal differences, many evangelical churches, seeing that the threat transcended the political sphere, set aside religious dogmas and paradigms and joined the force of social mobilization and civic pressure. Pastors promoted the electoral participation of their congregations as a civic responsibility.

We organized and participated in several peaceful demonstrations, such as the Prayer Walk for Democracy and Peace on August 16, 2025.

In addition, we coordinated observation and monitoring actions at polling stations with volunteers and representatives to strengthen transparency.

We forcefully raised our voices in radio and television forums and on social media with public pronouncements regarding the defense of the constitutional order and the legitimacy of the results, seeking to prevent tensions or crises.