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5 Things Republicans Have Going for Them Headed into the Midterms

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July 30, 2026
Commentary

To hear the mainstream media tell it, the November elections are just a formality. Republicans, bogged down by the economy, Donald Trump’s sagging approval ratings, the Iran war, and their base’s general malaise, don’t stand a chance, they insist. But the Left’s echo chamber — while correct on the historical trends for the party in power — has one goal, and one goal only: deflate the Right at all costs. But is the GOP’s obituary already written, or is there hope of a conservative comeback? Here are five areas where the president’s party might have an unexpected edge.

1. Fundraising

One of the things that surprised House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) most about his new job in 2023 was the amount of time he was expected to devote to raising money. At one point, Punchbowl News reported, the Louisianan balked at the duty, declaring that the Founding Fathers “didn’t intend for the speaker of the House to be the primary fundraiser of the party.” But, as reporter Jake Sherman pointed out, “[T]hey also couldn’t have foreseen that the House would be a billion-dollar battleground every two years.”

Whether or not he wanted to do it, this speaker has more than excelled at it — smashing records for the GOP and building an impressive war chest heading into the bloodiest battle he’s experienced at the helm. By 2025, he’d even set a Republican high-water mark, the most ever raised by a speaker in a single year. Facing strong headwinds, the Louisianan’s shocking talent for raking in cash will be a major comfort to his vulnerable members. Between April and June of this year, he socked away another $19.1 million for a total of more than $135 million during this election cycle. A half-million of that has gone to two dozen “battleground incumbents,” and his sidekick, Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.), has pumped $55 million into the chamber’s coffers. 

Even The Washington Post admits that the Republican Party has “a lopsided cash advantage” down the home stretch, thanks in part to the movement’s super PACs. Right now, the GOP is sitting on a $300 million-plus advantage over their Democratic counterparts, Axios reports, “and that doesn’t include the $400 million sitting in Trump’s MAGA Inc. super PAC.”

Add that to Elon Musk’s latest announcement that he’s getting off the sidelines to help the GOP in the midterms, and Republicans are almost certainly striking fear into Democratic headquarters. The billionaire’s financial backing in 2024 — a whopping $260 million — was a huge reason for the party’s success. This time around, his America PAC will focus on “door-knocking, digital advertising and direct mail aimed at turning out the conservative base, including voters who typically are less inclined to cast ballots in a non-presidential election year,” Musk’s team explained. “By focusing on voter turnout,” Axios notes, “Musk’s group will allow other GOP groups to gear their efforts toward TV ads.”

2. Polling

The landscape has looked incredibly bleak for Trump’s party these last few months, but that picture is slowly changing, experts say. Despite the perfect storm of issues plaguing the GOP, Americans are gradually inching back into the conservative camp. In the generic ballot contest, which is a great indicator of midterm success, Republicans have been down as many as 10 points. They’ve cut into the Democrats’ lead by as many as five to seven points, according to both Reuters/Ipsos and Economist/YouGov

“If the Republicans are within two, that’s a good sign,” Breitbart’s John Nolte stresses. “As we all know, pollsters tend to underestimate Republican turnout because most pollsters are leftists more interested in wishcasting and manipulating public opinion than reporting on it.”

Now, obviously, trying to make up ground in this hostile environment isn’t easy. Over at RealClearPolitics, the GOP is still trying to claw its way out of a five-point deficit, an unsurprising gap given the affordability crisis in America, Trump’s unusually low approval rating, and the drag always felt by the majority party. “The political party in power, especially the one that holds the White House, tends to go into the midterms with a big disadvantage,” Nolte warns. “The reason for this is simple: the voters who lost the White House two years earlier feel motivated to register their displeasure, while those voters who won the White House tend to be pretty satisfied with things and therefore not as motivated to vote.”

That said, the Democratic Party is wildly unpopular right now. “A staggering 63% of voters now view the Democratic Party UNFAVORABLY, while just 33% still hold a favorable view. That’s nearly two-thirds of the country.” So we’ll see.

3. The Rise of Democratic Communism

Speaking of unpopularity, the best gift Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) could give Republicans right now is his party’s lurch toward the Democratic Socialist movement gripping the deepest blue states. Everyday voters are still picking their jaws off the floor after the DSA’s radical list of goals: abolishing prisons, the presidency, U.S. Senate, the Electoral College, the Supreme Court, and ICE; public ownership of every company; single-payer medicine; a new American Constitution; and a basket of other insanely extremist demands that would burn our nation’s longtime traditions to the ground. 

The president and GOP leaders have seized on the Democrats’ crazy train, warning that this latest alliance with the fringe Left will “destroy” the country. “They’re siding with the radical Left communists taking over the party,” Trump emphasized. “… [N]ormal socialists who can destroy a country too. They’re not going fast enough. Do you remember, like, in one of my State of the Union speeches, I said, we will never be a socialist country. But I was right. We’re going to be a communist country,” he continued. “That’s what they want. They skipped socialism.”

The campaign ads on the DSA’s wish list alone — which they refuse to disavow — write themselves. Speaker Johnson, in a conversation with Family Research Council President Tony Perkins, was blunt about the threat. “You and I were talking off stage a little while ago, and I said, ‘You know, if somebody had told us even 10 years ago that on the 250th anniversary of the greatest nation in the history of the world, we would be in an open contest about whether we were going to maintain a constitutional republic or go down this dark, dangerous, deadly road to communism, [I would be shocked],” he shook his head. “That is what we are facing in a midterm election. And that’s why I think this midterm is unlike any other.” This isn’t “a referendum on Donald J. Trump,” Johnson insisted. “It’s a referendum on Thomas Jefferson. I mean, the foundational principles of the nation are imperiled. And you have a rising number of barbarians who are coming up through the primary system in the Democrat[ic] primaries.”

While the DSA has had a surprising amount of success in primary and mayoral elections, their appeal is only in the deepest of blue states. And the traditional Democrats know it. They’re panicked by leadership’s public indifference to the pendulum swing. “In Ohio, in Nebraska, and parts of Arizona, far-left candidates are just not going to win,” incumbent Rep. Emilia Sykes (D-Ohio) implored. Others, like Rep. Greg Stanton (D-Ariz.) echoed that concern. “We are the ones that overperform because of our ability to get moderate Republicans to support us. That’s how we win in the toughest seats.”

Johnson couldn’t help but underscore the crisis. “By my count, we’re up to, I think, 29 of these people,” he told Perkins. “And they espouse crazy, radical, un-American views. They want no borders. They want no prisons. They want to eliminate entire institutions like the U.S. Supreme Court. They want to remove the presidency. They want to pack the Supreme Court. They think the House itself should run the whole government, which, by the way, they want to assume all the power or control over production. And it’s madness,” he contended. 

“There’s a bunch of them coming up through the system,” the speaker said. “I will be administering the oath to people who have open disdain for the founding principles of their country. It’s an unprecedented time. And so, I’m telling you, people who love America and common sense have to get off of their good intentions right now and get engaged. Your neighbors, your family, your friends at church. Everybody needs to understand this one’s for all the marbles. And we are not overstating that. It’s not campaign rhetoric.”

4. Redistricting

It feels like forever ago that Texas Democrats fled the state over the GOP’s congressional map that would do away with what the Supreme Court has now affirmed as unconstitutionally gerrymandered districts. Over the next 12 months, that redistricting battle would become a nationwide war that raged in states from coast to coast. Now, a year into the Republicans’ efforts to do away with the unfair race criteria of the Voting Rights Act, they’re finally reaping the rewards.

That unique arms race, as it was coined by so many reporters, did ultimately result in a congressional map that’s more favorable to Republicans heading into these midterms. Ten states have new district lines, which has radically reshaped the GOP’s odds for November, Cook Political Report notes. This week, in an updated look at 2026, the highly-respected outfit released a report with the caption, “Re-Redistricting Yields a More Republican, Less Elastic House Map.”

“The Cook Political Report has updated its Partisan Voter Index (PVI) scores for all ten states that redrew their lines for 2026. And although 80% of states didn’t redistrict, the shift is still dramatic: the median House seat now sports a Cook PVI score of R+3, two points redder than prior to this cycle’s gerrymandering arms race,” they share, “making it exceedingly difficult for Democrats to win the House in anything other than a favorable political environment. In other words, even if Democrats do take back the House majority in 2026, they will be under increased pressure to retaliate in the states they control to keep it in 2028.” 

Under these new lines, they continue, “assuming both parties win all the seats where the partisan fundamentals strongly favor them (today, no House Democrat represents a seat redder than R+5 and no House Republican represents a seat bluer than D+5), Democrats would need to win 57 of the 77 seats in the D+5 to R+5 range (74%) to win the barest possible majority. Under the old lines, they would have needed to win 59 of the 87 seats in that range (68%).”

Adding to Jeffries’s woes, “More Democratic-leaning seats became GOP-leaning than vice-versa,” Cook explains. Of course, they add, “None of this is to say that Democrats are no longer favorites to take back the House in 2026; in fact, winning a chunk of seats with PVI scores of R+3, R+4 or R+5 is very realistic, even probable, in a midterm wave environment. But this cycle’s redistricting race to the bottom makes Democrats’ task considerably harder by lowering their ceiling for gains, and makes the House much less elastic and less responsive to the vicissitudes of the national mood.”

5. Time

Three months is a lifetime in politics. A lot could happen — especially in the Iran war, which is the nexus of a lot of angst about the economy, the president’s priorities, etc. Between now and then, the GOP plans an unprecedented midterm political convention, which could make a dent in the Republican base’s enthusiasm and also help outline the clear contrasts between the two parties’ very different values. 

Nolte observed, “There will be a ton of news cycles between now and Election Day, along with an equal number of surprises. So we are still in Anything Can Happen Land. My primary point here is that if you only paid attention to the media, you’d think the GOP had zero chance of holding on to the House,” he wrote. “Well, that simply is not true. That wouldn’t be true regardless of the polling because Trump is the only person in the country who has a national movement behind him, and it’s one of the largest political movements in American history. That matters. Turnout will win or lose the House, and Trump can turn them out.”

As Johnson reiterated, “It’s going to come down to a handful of votes in just a couple of districts. Cook Political Report currently says … on election night you should expect 212 Republican seats, 205 Democrat[ic] seats. It leaves less than 20 seats in the middle as the jump ball,” the speaker summarized. “So the whole balance of Congress, I think, will come down to less than 20 seats. … We have a slight fundraising advantage over Democrats right now because people believe the stakes are so high. I’m absolutely convinced God’s not done with America yet. We’re going to grow this House majority, and we’re going to keep this thing going so we can save the greatest nation in history.” 

In the meantime, he asks for prayer. “My familiar refrain [is] we need wisdom, stamina, discernment. Probably in that order. So we appreciate those prayers.”

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Suzanne Bowdey
Suzanne Bowdey serves as editorial director and senior writer at The Washington Stand.


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