Maps change. And sometimes they change for the better. That is the case in South America and the Caribbean after most legislative and presidential elections began to show a distancing from the radical Left, allied with China, Iran, and Russia.
In November 2023, Javier Milei crossed the Rubicon of Latin American politics by winning the presidential elections in Argentina. He is an outsider, an economist who is openly pro-free market, pro-life, and opposed to the so-called socialism of the 21st century which had led the country to terrible inflation.
His public rallies went from starting with rock band-style entrances to ending as economics and philosophy lectures that attendees followed for hours. He advanced with wild hair, a chainsaw (to cut state spending) as an icon of his campaign, and an energized mass of young people who took to social media in favor of libertarianism.
President Milei quotes biblical verses and points out the disaster caused by the Left, both in front of the globalist elite at the Davos Forum and in speeches during state visits.
Without forgetting the immediate precedent in Nayib Bukele’s administration in El Salvador and its security doctrine (which we will return to later), with Milei there was a shift towards the large family of the new right in the region.
The fire continued in 2024, through Central America. The presidential elections in Panama gave the victory to José Raúl Mulino, with experience leading the country’s defense forces. In his campaign, he avoided signing an electoral pact with explicit commitments to agendas on “rights” associated with gender ideology, and with cautious steps, he publicly presented himself as the husband, father, and grandfather that he is, something that is interpreted by many as a defense of the family.
In February 2025, during the controversy over the degree of Chinese control over the Panama Canal, Mulino further aligned himself with the Trump administration’s policies after a meeting with Marco Rubio.
Salvadoran Shifts
Another key ally in that region is Nayib Bukele, re-elected with a landslide 84.6% of the vote in El Salvador in 2024. In 2016, when the young politician was mayor of San Salvador, I visited that country for the first time, which had the highest murder rate on the planet. Even then, his interest in improving public safety was notable, reclaiming the heart of the city, previously dominated by violence.
In 2019, when he became president with the conservative Grand Alliance for National Unity, he implemented a successful security doctrine that crushed the feared gangs that controlled vast territories, extorted businesses, and terrorized citizens with satanic rituals.
Since the beginning of 2025, the infrastructure resulting from Bukele’s war on organized crime has been linked to the mass deportations of the Trump administration, as the destination for, among others, many detainees whose countries refuse to accept them.
Trump himself fits into this picture of the Americas shifting to the right, moving away from the woke movement. His inauguration in January 2025 marked a milestone in American politics and reinvigorated conservative forces south of the Rio Grande.
On the other hand, Ecuador re-elected that same year the thirty-something politician Daniel Noboa, leader of National Democratic Action, as president of the South American country. He won after publicly committing to leaders of various Ecuadorian churches and social organizations to not support gender reassignment for minors, to prevent the influence of gender ideology in educational texts and institutions, and to guarantee the right of parents to educate their children according to their principles, without ideological impositions from the state.
In addition to this internal social responsibility, according to press reports, Noboa has been collaborating with the White House in weakening drug trafficking structures that operate in the country, and whose products end up on the streets of the United States killing citizens.
In October 2025, Argentine President Javier Milei once again made international headlines. Not only for dismantling the feminist political structure anchored to the state and for taming an inflation rate of 211% year-on-year down to 43.5%, but for defying the laws of political gravity that predicted a defeat in the midterm legislative elections.
The candidates of La Libertad Avanza, the governing party, garnered almost 41% of the votes in the elections. Thus, they renewed half of the Chamber of Deputies and a third of the Senate. What does this mean? That Milei now has more political power, thus paving the way for his pro-market and anti-woke agenda on the battlefield of Congress.
A Jab in Bolivia
Weeks later, Bolivia took an even more radical leap. Rodrigo Paz Pereira assumed the presidency on November 8 after winning the elections, following almost 20 years of governments led by the Movement for Socialism.
Although not as strident as Milei, the center-right politician from the Christian Democratic Party already showed his political vision on the international stage with a first gesture: he will not invite Daniel Ortega and Miguel Díaz-Canel, dictators of Nicaragua and Cuba, respectively, to his inauguration ceremony, because, he said, they are not democratic governments. He also did not invite the former Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro, who was captured by U.S. forces last week.
The political jab hurt the main axis of the Latin American left so much that it retaliated with a weak counterattack: the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) suspended Bolivia as a member for its “pro-imperialist and colonialist” conduct. The truth is that, in practice, this organization founded by Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro does not mean much politically or economically in the Latin American context.
Another nation that founded ALBA, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, has also just made a sharp turn regarding the last 25 years. That was the time when Ralph Gonsalves, leader of the leftist Unity Labour Party, ruled the destiny of the small nation, turning it into one of the closest enclaves for Castroism and Chavismo in the English-speaking Caribbean.
The “electoral massacre,” as the local press defined it, ended Gonsalves’ reign, who at 80 years old leaves a legacy of having “actively weakened key institutions, undermined independent voices, and personalized power structures to ensure his own dominance.”
The defeat also represents a potentially hard economic blow for Havana, which could see the maintenance of its program of sending doctors to Saint Vincent and the Grenadines jeopardized, a program denounced as semi-slavery.
Violence in Honduras
If we stay in the Caribbean, we find another electoral story that confirms the trend this article focuses on, but with a sinister detail: in the face of change, violence from the Left is a real possibility. This is the case in Honduras, a country governed by the Castro-Chavista Libertad y Refundación party, which was defeated in the recent presidential elections by two right-wing forces: candidates Nasry Asfura, of the conservative National Party of Honduras, and Salvador Nasralla, of the center-right.
Hondurans rejected the re-election of the leftist Xiomara Castro, leaving her with a number of votes that placed her in a clear third place. Her chances of winning were simply nonexistent. However, in the hours immediately following the election, technical malfunctions experienced by the national electoral authority delayed the announcement of the final result for days and weeks.
Now, Libertad y Refundación militants have been involved in violent incidents in the city of Tegucigalpa, attacking pastors who were praying for peace during the vote count, and people who were verifying the integrity of the ballots. Some analysts speak of a possible danger of a coup d’état.
The Die is Kast in Chile
Moving to the south of the continent, in Chile, this December the presidential elections gave a quick and decisive victory to the conservative José Antonio Kast. The vote for him came against the communist admirer of Castroism, Jeannette Jara, and after four years in which the Left tried to change the national Constitution.
Kast has promoted the family as a fundamental pillar of society, describing it as the moral and social foundation upon which a strong nation is built. He has also declared himself a defender of the right to life “from conception to natural death.”
Media Spin
The political magnetism in the region today clearly tends towards a pro-market, pro-freedom, and pro-Christian values Americas, represented by Washington, D.C. and alternative poles such as Buenos Aires, and not towards the pro-terrorism, centralist, and anti-Christian radicalism represented in recent decades by Havana.
The news, however, continues to be distorted by mainstream media in the Ibero-American sphere. The Spanish news agency EFE recently published an “ideological map” of Latin America, in which it labeled Milei and Kast (who hadn’t even begun to govern at the time) as “far-right” and “extreme right.”
Meanwhile, without any hesitation, it referred to the tyrant Miguel Díaz-Canel, the face of the regime with the most political prisoners in the Western Hemisphere, as “president”; and it said that the former Venezuelan narco-dictator Nicolás Maduro had been “re-elected” last summer. Was it referring to the presidential elections denounced for massive fraud?
What’s Next?
Despite the mainstream media’s melancholic outlook on the Left, the pro-freedom wave seems unstoppable, at least for now. Will Colombia, a historical ally of the United States in South America, follow this trend in the upcoming 2026 presidential elections? Will the electorate get rid of Gustavo Petro, the former terrorist and fanatic who seems intent on embarrassing his country on the international stage?
Let’s hope that common sense returns to the presidential palaces and the corridors where high-level politics are conducted; because ultimately, it is the common man who pays the price for these failed social experiments.
