María José Brito presides over the Acorde 33 Foundation, which monitors and educates on respect for religious freedom within Venezuela. She describes the organization as a think tank that connects Christian communities and political institutions to also promote democracy and innovative leadership. Its main objective is to reach young people living under Chavismo, in a country where this topic doesn’t make headlines as often as the violation of other civil liberties.

A recent report by the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) includes the South American nation alongside Nicaragua and Cuba as part of an “authoritarian triad” in which faith leaders are especially “vulnerable to attacks” by state entities.

This year, Venezuela appeared on the list of the NGO Open Doors, which tracks and denounces the persecution of Christians worldwide. The country ranked 60th among those where the greatest pressures and abuses occur.

Brito, now in exile in the Dominican Republic, is intimately familiar with the reality for religious groups in her country, a reality that is painful and has been underreported for years.

Here is Part 2 of my interview with María. (Read Part 1)

With the aim of gaining support, there has been an attempt from Chavismo to instrumentalize churches in official Venezuelan politics. However, several evangelicals disavowed and rejected these plans. How does Acorde 33, the organization you lead, fit into this scenario?

We observe, investigate, and document the approach, behavior, and actions of the Venezuelan regime towards various religious groups.

We realize that the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) does this with one intention: to secure new voters and mobilize them for political activities. Faith, since time immemorial, has been a factor in mobilizing peoples and communities; it stems from deep beliefs, from identities that are born from the most genuine part of the soul.

In the eyes of Acorde 33, using, manipulating, and interfering with the free development of the expression of faith, by using state resources, is a blatant violation of Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and even Article 59 of the Bolivarian Constitution that was established under Chavismo.

How does the political participation (or lack thereof) of religious individuals and institutions manifest itself in present-day Venezuela?

In many cases, through instrumentalization and manipulation. We have identified many examples. In the case of the evangelical community, this occurred when the regime co-opted the March for Jesus in January 2025. The March for Jesus is an annual event that has been held in Venezuela since the mid-1990s. It brings together millions of people on October 12th, with the purpose of exalting the name of Jesus and promoting messages of hope and social transformation throughout the country. It is a symbol of unity and faith in the Venezuelan Christian community.

At the beginning of last year, Nicolás Maduro decreed the March for Jesus as Intangible and Spiritual Heritage of Venezuela, establishing that it be celebrated on the first Saturday of August each year.

This officialization generated controversy among Venezuelan Christians.

Pastor Aristóteles López, founder of the March for Jesus in Venezuela and currently in exile, criticized the decision, accusing Pastor Hugo Díaz, president of the march, of allowing the government to use the event’s structure for political purposes. López declared that the change of date was manipulated by the Executive branch and claimed to have proof that the decision had been previously agreed upon between Díaz and the Venezuelan government.

Another incident had already occurred in 2019 surrounding the March for Jesus. At that time, Christian leader José Albeiro Vivas was arrested after calling for freedom during the March for Jesus in Barinas. During the event, Vivas gave a speech in which he declared: “Venezuela, your time of freedom has come.” The authorities interpreted his words as a criticism of the Maduro regime.

After an irregular trial, Vivas was convicted and spent a month detained at the General Directorate of Military Counterintelligence (DGCIM) base.

There has also been controversy surrounding the government office called the Government Pastoral Council, which the Venezuelan regime established in 2019, composed of evangelical pastors appointed by local authorities.

Its objective, allegedly, is to foster integration between the social work carried out by the State and churches in the country. Some leaders receive invitations to participate in exchange for benefits, ranging from financial donations to the regularization of the legal status of the churches.

Similar attempts at manipulation or persecution have occurred with the Catholic Church, haven’t they?

Definitely.

In 2023, Maduro Guerra shared on his Facebook account about the participation of a Venezuelan delegation in World Youth Day in the Portuguese city of Lisbon. “Our delegation of young Catholics is ready to meet with His Holiness, Pope Francis. From August 1st to 6th in Lisbon,” he posted.

On the other hand, the Venezuelan Embassy in Portugal highlighted that the meeting was possible thanks to the support of President Nicolás Maduro, with the aim of sending a message of national reconciliation from Venezuela.

None of this was true, and he was attempting to appropriate an event that had nothing to do with him.

Similarly, there has been political persecution of priests on the Colombian-Venezuelan border. During a field trip to the community of El Nula, located in Apure State, in January 2025, it became evident how the priests of the Catholic Church parish were under constant threat from irregular groups.

This conflictual relationship between the church and the guerrillas is historical.

Former prominent parish priests of El Nula, such as Father Acacio Belandría, received constant threats from the guerrillas for making public denunciations against them and from the Venezuelan government, which is allied with the criminal gangs. They are constantly searching for information that could compromise this priest, with the objective of coercing him.

In short, the pressure and manipulative tactics are perceptible in different states of Venezuela, with the same objective: to use the power of the State to strengthen the foundations of the PSUV, increase its membership, and gain new access to the masses after an evident weakening of the Chavista sector.